Battle of the ants Essays - Civil Disobedience,

same time, however, Thoreau also personifies the ants by comparing them to humans, and their battles to the battles of the ancient Greeks and Trojans. By making what is such a seemingly ridiculous comparison Thoreau shows the true disdain he has for human wars. Thoreau describes in great detail how at one point, to more closely study the battle, he takes a woodchip that held three of the ant combatants. At the end only the larger black ant was alive, having vanquished his two smaller foes, "Whether he finally survived that combat, and spent the remainder of his days in some Hotel des Invalides, I do not know: but I thought that his industry would not be worth much thereafter. I never learned which party was victorious, nor the cause of the war." p.758 This shows Thoreau's view that war never has a true winner, the loser is killed and the victor walks away limping and half dead himself.

Free Essays on University Experience Paper

University Experience Paper Coming into college, I really have no idea what to expect. I have heard a lot of different things from a lot of different people. Right now I am starting to get the feel for the university experience, but I still have a lot ahead of me. I pretty much have tried to keep an open mind about everything that I will be exposed to. Many people have told me their opinions and thoughts about the college experience. I have heard a lot of different points of view and many of them are very different. I have finally realized that it does not matter what others think about USF and the experience here. Everyone has different thoughts on USF, certain classes, activities, fraternities, and anything else that I will be exposed to. However, I cannot listen to everybody. I will have to keep an open mind and develop my own thoughts about all of these things. I am expecting to see and do a lot of new things. College will hopefully broaden my knowledge about many issues that I have not even thought about. USF will help me become a more diverse person. Meeting new people, participating in new activities, and living in different conditions will help me open my mind to things that I did not even knew existed. That is my main expectation and the biggest reason I am attending USF. I also expect to be prepared for my future. I hope that USF will help me get ready for my future career in whatever line of work I may choose. I feel as though this university can do this. Lastly, I expect to learn a lot of new things. Whether it be about music, sports, life lessons, etc., I want to be a well rounded person when coming out of the university. My overall goal while attending USF is to be prepared for the future while still having fun and learning about many different subjects. I expect to become very knowledgeable and well rounded once graduated.... Free Essays on University Experience Paper Free Essays on University Experience Paper University Experience Paper Coming into college, I really have no idea what to expect. I have heard a lot of different things from a lot of different people. Right now I am starting to get the feel for the university experience, but I still have a lot ahead of me. I pretty much have tried to keep an open mind about everything that I will be exposed to. Many people have told me their opinions and thoughts about the college experience. I have heard a lot of different points of view and many of them are very different. I have finally realized that it does not matter what others think about USF and the experience here. Everyone has different thoughts on USF, certain classes, activities, fraternities, and anything else that I will be exposed to. However, I cannot listen to everybody. I will have to keep an open mind and develop my own thoughts about all of these things. I am expecting to see and do a lot of new things. College will hopefully broaden my knowledge about many issues that I have not even thought about. USF will help me become a more diverse person. Meeting new people, participating in new activities, and living in different conditions will help me open my mind to things that I did not even knew existed. That is my main expectation and the biggest reason I am attending USF. I also expect to be prepared for my future. I hope that USF will help me get ready for my future career in whatever line of work I may choose. I feel as though this university can do this. Lastly, I expect to learn a lot of new things. Whether it be about music, sports, life lessons, etc., I want to be a well rounded person when coming out of the university. My overall goal while attending USF is to be prepared for the future while still having fun and learning about many different subjects. I expect to become very knowledgeable and well rounded once graduated....

Beowulf and Roland Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 1

Beowulf and Roland - Essay Example Beowulf protects the united community of man and does not allow the division and emptiness that are born from the soul of the vile beast Grendel to ravage the halls of Heorot any longer. Resisting Grendel’s savage attack on human solidarity, Beowulf takes up the defense of Heorot and the case of every nation whose name was so poignantly placed upon the high walls of this great hall of men. (Young 2006) The defense of Heorot was successful. Beowulf has fought tremendous battles before. He understood what fighting and death consisted of. This might have had an impression on Beowulf as he went to face the dragon. Oliver counsels Roland to blow his oliphant horn, to call back Charlemagnes main force, but Roland refuses. The Franks fight valiantly, but in the end they are killed to the man. Roland blows his oliphant so that Charlemagne will return and avenge them. (Borey 2006) Another aspect concerning the attitudes of Beowulf and Roland is the reason behind the last battles. Beowulf had to fight a dragon that was going to destroy his kingdom. This evil would not stop unless Beowulf stopped it. The dragon

Mail Order Bride Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Mail Order Bride - Essay Example The mail order brides generally belong to second and third world countries such as Ukraine, Russia, Colombia, Mexico, Philippines, Africa, India, and Malaysia, however, some mail order brides also belong to first world nations such as Sweden, Japan, and Canada. The husbands generally belong to the developed nations such as United States, Canada, United Kingdom, and Australia. At present about 150,000 potential spouses advertize on the internet. The males who advertise their intend to marry someone in another country are known as mail order grooms (Wikipedia). The first process is the tradiational process which involves preparation of actual paper catalogues by the prospective brides and advertizing them in magazines such as Car and Driver, Stereo Review, and Rolling Stone, to get men to order them. These paper catalogues are distributed world wide through the maganizes (Ho). The scond process is the more recent one in which the women are solicited by an agency through a newspaper advertisement and their catalogues are advertized on the internet. However, in this process there is an inherent assumption by the advertisers that the women who apply belong to economically challenged classes, so there are cases of exploitation by the husbands in this process (Ho). Once the women is accepted by the agency, she undergoes a rigourous screening process which includes an in-depth questionnaire. The prospective mail order brides are interviewed on the basis of various factors including physical appearance, family background, eduction, work experience and other character refrences. However, apart form asking about themselves they are also asked about their desired match (groom) in oreder to make a perfect match. After the woman has successfully qualified all the screening rounds, the agency reviews her choices and looks for a suitable groom. In recent times the mail order bride business has gained momentum due to the increase in emmigration to developed nations from developing nations. Presently there are more than 200 agencies having operations in mail order business in the US. The companies in this business generate margins by charging both the counterparts for their communiactions and also for the services provided (Ho). Current size of the Mail Order Bride Business in the US Currently, there are more than 400 companies operating this business in the US (as compared to 200 such agencies under operation in 1996) and the revenue generated is more than $500,000 annually. The main target markets for mail order brides are the developing countries like Philippines, Former USSR and other Asian countries. In 2002, there were several thousand Filipina mail order brides in Canada and more than 5,000 such brides arrived to North America annually (MCCLELLAND, 2002). Also, currently there are over one million women from the former USSR who desire to become mail order brides for foreign men (MailOrderBrides.com). Also according to one of the web-sites there are more than 100 new profiles added each week (Bridesbymail). The main reason for targeting these markets is the stereotype of the women in these nations, as most of the women in these nations are known to be submissive, loyal, soft spoken and

Five Drivers of Globalization and the International Forces Research Paper

Five Drivers of Globalization and the International Forces - Research Paper Example According to the standard theory, international trade theory leads to the share of resources being consistent with the corporate advantage. This further leads to specialization thereby enhancing the output. The quick progress in the capital market is because of the globalization. Along with the benefits offered by globalization, there are major concerns related to it. The first concern is related to the fact that globalization leads to a more immoral dispersion of income among the countries and within the countries. The second concern is related to loss of national autonomy and the countries are finding it highly complex to pursue independent domestic policies (Rangarajan, 2006). Dell Corporation has been analyzed for the purpose of this study. Since last 26 years, Dell has been capable of authorizing countries, communities, customers as well as people all over the globe to make use of the technology so that they can realize their dreams. The company tends to value its customers and thus aims at delivering the products and the services according to the needs and the wants of the customers (Dell, 2012). The five main kinds of drivers that are forcing international firms to the globalization of operations are political, technological, market, cost, and competition (Indian Institute of Material Management, 2012). Political Forces There is a trend towards the association and socialization of the global community. Both North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the European Union present major marketing opportunities for the companies. If the government can reduce barriers to trade as well as foreign investment and can privatize most of the industries in formerly communist nations then globalization can be fostered (Acemoglu & Yared, 2010). Technological Forces With the progress in computers as well as communication technology ideas information can flow across borders. The small companies are capable of competing all over the globe because of the internet as we ll as communication technology. By making use of the internet for the purpose of business exchanges, Business-to-Business (B2B) transaction is providing major savings. Market Forces When the companies tend to globalize, they become global customers. In order to retain their presence in the global markets and expand the consumer base, organizations endeavor to set their trail towards global shores. When the home market saturates, companies seek to operate globally. Cost Forces The management goal is to make use of the economies of scale so that it can reduce unit cost. It is vital for the companies to globalize the product lines so that it can successively attain economies of scale. Production houses can be located in those countries where the cost of production is observed to be less.  

History of Nationalism in Israel

History of Nationalism in Israel Promised Land, Crusader State: The Rise, Fall and Return of the Covenant Nation A dissertation submitted by 58126 to the Department of Government, the London School of Economics and Political Science, in part completion of the requirements for the MSc in Comparative Politics (Conflict Studies) September 1st, 2008 Word Count: ABSTRACT Several prominent comparativists claim that Israel is an outlier case a unique case study that generally defies most conventional forms of categorization. Such an allegation naturally assumes Israel to be exceptional and its behavior inexplicable. The assumption of Israels uniqueness was born during the marked epistemological shift from behavioral crossnational inquiries to more contextually and historically-derived theories, and has undermined Israels place in comparative politics. This dissertation seeks to place Israel and its behavior squarely back into the mix and up against much of the same scrutiny faced by other nation-states. By shifting again from a contextually and historically-derived theory of nationalism towards a more cognitive and tradition-based approach, centered on the ethno-symbolic approach professed by Anthony D. Smith and John Hutchinson, elements of Israels nationalism and national identity are analyzed as contributing to its existence as a zone of conflict a nd to its violent behavior. An analysis of the Covenant Nation as a new comparative category that presupposes the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, that uses (iii) blood sacrifice in order to fulfill a redemptive destiny and a commitment to worldly salvation, is highlighted. Limited comparisons to other covenant nations are drawn where applicable. Introduction: Since 1948, Israel has been regarded by some as an occupying force in the Middle East. That Israel, and Jews in general, could be a conquering and occupying people given their fate in the first half of the twentieth century as a nation without a home, victims of anti-Semitism and persecution is confusing to many. For reasons such as this, Israel has long been considered an outlier case by political scientists (Barnett 1996, ch.1). To the point of emphasis, it is argued that Israel defies most categorization, which has become the methodology employed by comparativists in order to understand states and state behavior. Categorizing usually requires classifying a case study under dichotic, or opposite, adjectives; Israel being neither East nor West, developed nor underdeveloped, capitalist nor socialist, Third World nor First World therefore, becomes difficult to study (Barnett 1996, 7). Furthermore, Israel has routinely been excluded from geographically specific studies or regional studies, since it is often considered an alien entity in the Middle East. However, despite Israels historical particularity, Israel is not an alien entity in the Middle East and its behavior is not inexplicable. While differences certainly exist categorically between Israel and other states, they both nevertheless share many of the same traits and concerns characteristics that might have similar origins. It will be argued that in order to understand Israel, both as a nation-state and as it behaves, one needs to understand Israeli nationalist sentiments. Nationalism in itself is a difficult thing to define. Where does it come from? What does it entail? How deeply is it entrenched? The answers to these questions, and many like them, could explain why a nation-state behaves in the way that it does. There are two major competing schools of thought when it comes to understanding nationalism, (a) the modernists, and (b) the primordialists. The modernists would date nationalism to industrialism, the development of capitalism, or to the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars. The primordialists, on the other hand, see nationalism as dating back much farther possibly to even before history was recorded. Under this train of thought, Israel might date its nationalism back to the Hebrew Bible. Essentially, it all depends on where in history one chooses to draw the line. This paper will primarily argue that in order to understand Israel as an inherently violent and conflict-laden nation-state it is necessary to move away from the established contextually-derived theories of nationalism and move to one that is more cognitively based. In so doing, this paper will show that Israel is in fact a state like all others. It is not an anomaly, nor methodologically suspect its behavior not inexplicable. Regardless of its ancient historic roots, and despite its recent induction as a state among the family of nations, Israels nationalism should not be analyzed according to the dates of its borders, citizens, infrastructure, or institutions. In a more cognitive approach, Israels nationalism should be understood by the borders, beliefs and people themselves. As such, it will be shown that Israel is the archetypical Covenant Nation a category that exists free from both time and space. Such a theory of nationalism can thus draw on elements from either modern or pr e-modern periods/approaches and need not be based on regional developments or similarities. Israel, like all covenant nations, is inherently conflict-laden. As will be laid out in much greater detail, covenant nations have a strategic culture born of three identifying features/beliefs that make them violent and militaristic in nature. Covenant nations are under a seemingly contractual obligation to defend and secure the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, using (iii) blood sacrifice. When the covenant nation theory is highlighted as the root cause of violence, it becomes clear that a solution to the Israeli/Palestinian conflict becomes much more difficult to ascertain. Conflict becomes unrelated to geopolitical realities or existing/imagined security dilemmas, but to an embedded sense of national superiority, a contractual obligation to fulfill the prophecy of the covenant and, derivatively, a commitment to worldly salvation. Thus, while many scholars claim Israel is an outlier case like no other, they are wrong from the outset by trying to assign Israel to conventional and contextual comparativist categories. Israel and its behavior can and should be understood much the same as other states as reactive to its nationalist sentiments, wherever derived. As will be shown, Israel has always been a conquering and occupying nation. It was true of Israels ancient past, it is true of its present and unless a drastic change occurs deep within the embedded (and sacred) structure of Zionism, it will be true of its distant future. The Nation General Definitions and Theories Quest ce-quune nation? Renans question still echoes after more than a century. In recent decades throughout the historical milieu referred to as the post-colonial era a copious amount of interest and attention has been dedicated to the study of nationalism. While no singular definition is agreed on by scholars, for the purpose of this paper a nation will be defined generally as a group that defines itself or is defined by others as sharing common descent and culture [] that also has political consciousness, claiming collective political rights in a given territory (Mann 2005, 11). A nation-state can thus be defined as an entity wherein a nation has its own sovereign state, situated within enunciated and politically defined territorial borders be they universally recognized or not. Scholars of various disciplines have attempted to provide an explanation for the rise, meaning and development of nationalism in human history and societies. The phenomenon of the constitution of nations and national identities, the emergence of national sentiments, the construction of nationhood and nationalist ideologies, appear to all be interrelated constituents of a single phenomenon. Nevertheless, competing theories of nationalism exist the major schism existing between modernists and primordialists. Modernists, such as Gellner and Anderson, assume that the origins of nations and nationalism lie in the structural changes that affected economic and social systems during the industrial revolution at the end of the eighteenth century (Gellner 2006, 48-49), implicitly denying cultural factors. In the opinion of the modernists, the introduction of new means of production and the division of labor caused a restructuring of social relations and the polarization of class interests. Nationalism emerged as a means to promote and direct change through the creation of a popular solidarity as well as a means to protect and promote class interests (Anderson 1991, 113-114). The prevalence of one intention over another brings about the constitution of different political organizations depending on the nature the political system. So to speak, nationalism is identified by the modernists with the process of nation-building a nation being a mere artificial construction fuelled by class interests. The primordialist notion of nationalism contrasts with that proposed by the modernists. Scholars such as Hastings, Smith and Geertz, believe that nations are natural givens (Hastings 1997, 5). Consequently, it is possible to find traces of nationalism and nationhood in ancient times. The feeling of belonging, the acknowledgement among a group of people sharing common cultural, racial, linguistic traits, a common ancestry, history or religion, is a documented fact in history (Smith 1994, 40). Groups tended to bind together by these ties. The proclivity to coalesce around these shared traits, or focal points, brought about the rise of politically and socially organized nations claiming sovereignty over a territory. In fact, it is Anthony D. Smiths many contributions to the theory of ethnosymbolism in particular that figure most prominently in a discussion of Israeli nationalism, and upon which I have based my initial observations and thesis. Ethnosymbolism is founded on the historical origins of nations particularly to their roots in premodern times and focuses its attention on perceptions, beliefs, symbols, rituals, and shared myths and memories. Although the ethnosymbolic approach focuses on subjective cultural and symbolic rudiments, their long term patterning produces a structure of relations and processes [] which can provide a framework for the socialization of successive generations of ethnic and national members (Smith 1999, 14). In more basic terms, the origin and descent of the community are recollected and transmitted to new members of the group by memory as interpreted by earlier generations. This subjective version of a nations origins is understood through ethnohistory rather t han any official historians lens (Coughlan 2001, 160). Before turning to the difference between history and historical traditions on Israeli national identity and behavior in the following section, allow me to first part ways with Anthony D. Smith and highlight our major difference. In War and Ethnicity: the Role of Warfare in the Formation, Self-Images and Cohesion of Ethnic Identities, Smith argues in sum that war has been a powerful factor in shaping certain crucial aspects of ethnic communities and nationhood. He points to Georg Simmels cohesion thesis, which asserts that external armed conflict or the imminent threat thereof produces all internal group solidarity (Smith 1981, XX). In so doing, Smith turns war and its variations into an independent variable that moulds the ethnic community, and invariably the nation. Though I do agree that war and conflict certainly have the ability to accentuate and exacerbate group identity and cohesion, I contend to the contrary that group cohesion is the primary cause of war and conflict. As su ch, war is the dependent variable that finds its existence and explanation in the more common group aggression theory. Thus, it is not war that creates a sense of belonging and community, but a sense of community and belonging that leads to war and conflict and the sense of belonging and community within the Covenant Nation typifies that. The Rise of the Nation-State: Context vs. Cognition To suggest that Israel is in fact an inherently violent nation-state on account of the Covenant, it is necessary to first dispel the myth that all nation-states are violent, and to trace Israels legacy back beyond its establishment. A long-standing assumption among several prominent political theorists suggests that all nation-states are inherently violent because they are forged in warfare. Richard Bean, in War and the Nation State, argues that beginning in the fourteenth century changes in the art of war inextricably led to the rise of centralized states for the purpose of raising taxes (Bean 1973, 220). It is possible, however, that the nation-state by general concept, if not by definition predates medieval changes in the art of war, and certainly Westphalia. Greek city-states, like Sparta, can be seen as examples of very homogeneous societies with developed political structures, taxation, and mutual obligations between government and citizens. Regardless, ancient historical cas es such as these would likely only serve to highlight the linkage between warfare and the birth of the nation-state. On the other end of the spectrum, what can be said about nation-states that have emerged contemporarily? Taking Israel as an example, a state that came into being by means of a vote in the United Nations, it is easy to suggest that the Arab-Israeli wars following its establishment have played a prominent role in the shaping of modern-day Israel. However, shaping by definition is not synonymous with forging. In the first instance, it is my intention to show that nation-states are not forged explicitly in warfare, but on traditions of warfare wherever derived. The purpose is to rephrase the hypothesis that nation-states are forged in warfare into one more universally applicable. For this, it is necessary to first presume that the nation, with its sense of community and belonging, existed prior. It will be shown that; from (i) a nations strategic culture, come (ii) traditions of warfare, which (iii) lead to a greater sense of national identity, on which (iv) nation-states have been forged. In so doing, I move the discourse away from a contextually derived theory of nationalism to a more cognitive-based approach, in which Anthony D. Smiths contributions to ethnosymbolism (as outlined above) figure prominently. A nation-states strategic culture is the obvious place to look for evidence of a war-born society. Strategic culture is defined by Alistair Iain Johnston as an ideational milieu which limits behavior choices. This milieu consists of shared assumption and decision rules that impose a degree of order on individual and group conceptions of their relationship to their social, organizational or political environment (Johnston 1995, 34). Essentially, it all comes down to security. A strategic culture is shaped from a shared sense of self-perception and threat perception of a specific group of people. It is necessary to assume that if a national group has a strong historical sense of war, aggressiveness, victimization, and/or persecution, that these sentiments would play out in their strategic culture, and would limit behavior choice and influence decision-making. Once forged into nation-states these strategic cultures continue to exist, and therefore become good indicators of how groups vi ew warfare and how their states came into being. In order to analyze a nation-states strategic culture properly, it is important to consider that the study of strategic culture itself has two distinct epistemological approaches context and cognition. Those that believe a strategic culture is based in context would claim that the historical record of the nation, even before its conception as a nation-state, is important to study. Basically, the nation-state expresses its national identity based on its national character. Therefore, a states strategic culture is based on its past it is path dependent. On the other hand, cognitivists see strategic culture as an integrated system of symbols (Johnston 1995, 35). Included in this integrated system of symbols are structures, languages, analogies, myths, metaphors, etc. In this approach national identity, as related to strategic culture, is more easily discernable through the study of a nation-states wartime symbols than a nation states wartime history. Carolyn Marvin and David Ingle, in their book Blood Sacrifice and the Nation, also argue that symbols (like a flag) can be very telling indicators that lead one to uncover the nature of nationalism that exists within a state. In Fallen Soldiers, George Mosse looks to nation-states war memorials: cemeteries, songs, poems and commemorations, for clues. Essentially, a nations sentiments regarding warfare might differ from its experience; they might have been shaped or molded. When trying to find the link between the birth of a nation-state and warfare, symbols offer yet another variable to consider. Due to the fact that there are two different ways to approach the study of strategic culture, and by association an element of a nation-states national identity, a clear distinction can be made between proper warfare and traditions of warfare. Traditions, like symbols, need not be based on truth or historical accuracy. There is a tradition of Santa Clause bringing presents to nice children despite there being no assumption of truth behind such a practice and certainly no historical record to legitimize it. Traditions are sometimes developed more because they serve a purpose, than because they truly commemorate something. When considering nation-state formation it is important to properly choose which traditions are worth investigating. Relating to strategic culture, or any issue that shapes a nation-states identity, it is important that a tradition have; (i) solid national support, (ii) outlived the era that gave it birth, (iii) entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and (iv) continued to resonate with a portion of public opinion even at a time when it was not directly affecting public policy (McDougall, Ch.1). As will be shown with the case of Israel, traditions of warfare that have passed the scrutiny of the limitations listed above have played a role in developing national identity, and ultimately forging a nation-state. Modern day Israel is a good example of a nation-state forged on traditions of warfare, and not explicitly in warfare. As suggested above the first place to look for evidence of the link between warfare and state formation would be in a nation-states strategic culture. Israels strategic culture has long been dominated by the realist tradition (Dowty 1998, 84). The realist view of security has solid national support in Israel, it has outlived the era that gave it birth, it has entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and even during times of relative peace it continues to resonate with a portion of public opinion. Israels strategic culture is not only realist with regards to self-defense, but also in its offense. The leftist scholars who would date Zionism to Theodor Herzls avowedly socialist ideals of establishing a free, humanitarian and egalitarian state in the Jewish homeland to escape the increasing anti-Semitism of late-nineteenth century Europe (Avineri, 1981, 88-89) are shortsighted in their efforts. There is no such thing as nineteenth and twentieth century Zionism it is only Zionism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The bleak and destructive history of the Jews in Europe plays little significance in Israeli mamlachtiyut, or statism. The traditions that have forged the Israeli nation-state and limit its behavior choices can and should be dated back to the Hebrew Bible. For example, one might choose to examine the myth of the Covenant Nation, and how that played out during the Hebrews first experiment with forging a state following Joshuas invasion of Canaan, as evidence. The invasion represents a realist tradition of conquering and occupying. Whether or not the Hebrew Bible represents an accurate historical rendition or whether it has any academic merit at all is outside the scope of discussion. After all, when providing an account for Israels strategic culture, the scriptures can be analyzed as being contextually historical or as a symbol of cognition. Either way fact or fiction they provide a tradition from which to inherit a strategic culture from, and on which to forge a nation-state. Thus, the argument that Richard Bean makes; that nation-states developed out of the need for a strong central authority to levy taxes due to changes in the art of war, is unconvincing. To the point of emphasis, most modern economic-dependent nationalist arguments are limited when one considers ancient examples of national groups coming together to forge polities within defined and enunciated borders. Cases such as these simply highlight the fact that the forging of a nation-state draws more on myths, sentiments and symbols of collective fear, threat, pride, angst, aspiration, victimization, xenophobia and so forth when grouping together to organize politically. The above sentiments combine to form a strategic culture, from which traditions, national identity and greater cohesiveness are born. The nation-state was born as a response to a need for security; the traditions that transmit that feeling be they contextually or cognitively derived are what inevitably forge nation-states an d determine how violently they will behave. Though it may be true that many nation-states are forged explicitly in warfare (and are established using means of warfare), it is not a universal truth. Instead, it should be argued that nation-states are forged on traditions of warfare traditions that once were prescriptive and later become predictive. Covenant Nations As mentioned above, a strategic culture is shaped from a shared sense of self-perception and threat perception of a specific group of people. It is my assertion (to the contrary of international relations theorists) that Israels strategic culture has nothing to do with threat perception; geopolitical realities and security dilemmas are but moot points. Israel has adopted and further developed a strategic culture based solely on a particular tradition of self-perception that of the Covenant Nation. Defining the term Covenant Nation is not as simple as it may appear; its definition is hard to come by because it involves describing a process more than an entity. Simply put, the covenant is a tradition of ethnic election. The process of ethnic election is a multi-staged process requiring; (i) a sense of being singled out or chosen for a special purpose, (ii) a divine promise whether absolute or conditional made to the chosen people, and (iii) a belief that fulfillment of the covenant leads to worldly salvation (Smith 2003, 48-49). In short, the covenant is a tradition of a contractual agreement between God and His people. Simply put, the Covenant Nation, therefore, is the nation that enters and embodies the covenant. As stated above, traditions need not be based on historical truth or reality; in the ethnosymbolic approach traditions, myths and metaphors offer much the same credence to a debate on nationalism and national identity and thus can serve as an explanation for how nation-states behave. Let me begin by acknowledging that although the term Covenant Nation is rife with religious connotation, I do not intentionally seek to obscure the already blurred lines between religion and nationalism. In fact, I seek to avoid entering the scholarly debate about their ambivalent relationship entirely; I steer clear from scholars like Mark Juergensmeyer, whose work albeit fascinating seeks to compare and contrast the two phenomena and chart their historical interplay (Juergensmeyer 2006, 182). Instead, I point to a recent trend in thinking that sees nationalism itself as a form of belief-system or as a new religion of the people (Smith 2003, 42). George Mosse, in Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars, discusses how during the interwar period in Europe a civic religion of nationalism was born based on the cult of the fallen soldier (Mosse 1990, 104). If in Germany, for example, a civic religion of nationalism was born based on the cult of the fallen soldier, it c an be said that for Israel a civic religion of nationalism is born based on the cult of the chosen people and the cult of the Promised Land. The Covenant has always been the cornerstone of Israels national identity dating back to primordial times. The Hebrew Bible first marks the covenant that God makes with Abram in Genesis 12:2: I will make of you a great nation, and I will bless you. It is important to note that this verse not only represents the birth of the covenant, but at the same time the birth of the nation highlighting their interconnectedness. The nation and the covenant are thus co-determining and mutually implicating; the two entities are defined by their internal relationship, such that the two entities derive their meaning through their relationship and have no meaning or basis without the other. No reason is given as to why Abram (later Abraham) is selected to head the nation that will come to be known as the chosen people, but we are told that his progeny shall; (i) inherit the land of Canaan, and (ii) outnumber the dust of the earth (Gen. 12:7 and 13:6) outlining the divine promise. In return the covenant nation is obliged to circumcise their children (Gen. 17:7-10) and post-exodus to keep the laws and commandments that God gives unto his chosen people, the holy nation, at Mount Sinai (Exod. 19:4-6). Such are the terms of the covenantal contract; if the Chosen People follow Yahwehs rules, he will give them virtue, peace and prosperity [in the Promised Land]. If they are his holy servants, the scriptures say, he will bless them (Akenson 1992, 16). Furthermore, not only do Gods chosen people benefit from fulfillment of the covenant the whole world does. By fulfilling the covenant it is believed that Gods plan of salvation is advanced; so to speak, the salvation of all hinge[s] on the conduct of a special few (Smith 2003, 51). Therefore, it is to the conduct of the special few that we now shift our attention. If the renowned modernist scholar on nationalism Elie Kedourie is correct when he asserts that nationalism produces a kind of religious fanaticism that lends to conflict (Kedourie 1971, XX), the same must certainly hold true of covenantal nationalism and likely to an even greater degree. As stated earlier, covenant nations come under a seemingly contractual obligation to defend and secure the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, using (iii) regular blood sacrifice. Furthermore, the fulfillment of the covenant sets the chosen people apart from other peoples both ethically and ritually: Ye shall be holy; for I the Lord your God am holy (Lev. 19:2). If fulfillment of the covenant that is following the laws and commandments within the Promised Land makes one holy and will lead to worldly salvation for all, than any/all efforts to attain that credo become morally indisputable. A self-r ighteous and realist strategic culture develops whereby any actions taken in fulfillment of the covenant become necessary, justified and self-vindicating. The strategic culture associated with the covenant has thus permeated throughout time in much the same way it was born manifested from a belief in choseness, holiness, and obligation. The Jewish nation has always found its grounding in the covenant whether in the times of Elijah or Hezekiah, Josiah or Nehemiah, the Maccabees or the Talmudic Sages [] all of these looked back to the founding charter of the covenant, not just as legitimation but as the grounding for their conception of the community of Israel and the unity of the Jewish people, which they sought to restore or deepen (Smith 2003, 63). It is on this sacred foundation that modern day Israel was also established. Nineteenth century political Zionism can be broken down into three competing schools of thought; (i) the Revisionist Zionists, (ii) the Labor Zionists, and (iii) the Religious Zionists. In many ways revisionist Zionism epitomizes what it means to be a covenant nation. Vladimir Zeev Jabotinsky, the founder of revisionist Zionism, believed that people are naturally born into nations and inherit its cultures and values. So to speak, individuals have very little choice regarding which nationalities they belong to. It was Jabotinskys belief that the Jews represent a particularly strong nation because despite the pressures of the Diaspora they always maintained their originality and distinctness(Dowty, 37). Furthermore, he insisted that the Jewish state be established in Palestine and trans-Jordan because it was the historical legacy of the Jews. On the other hand, Labor Zionism the most influential branch of Zionism at the time considered itself to be totally secular in nature. Aaron David Gordon, founder of Hapoel Hatzair, saw the Jewish life in the Diaspora as dependence and a lack of self-reliance. Building on German-Jewish philosopher Martin Bubers I and Thou, he sought to create a new covenant by reconnecting with the land using the religion of labor (Dowty, 39), and by replacing the old exiled Jew with a new self-reliant Jew. However, under the secular garb of Labor Zionism the language and intent of the original Abrahamic Covenant can be discerned (Smith 2003, 93). Ber Borochov, ideological founder of the Poalei Zion labor movement wrote that class struggles exist within national groups as well as between them, clearly acknowledging a difference between the Jewish nation and other peoples, and advocating an ethnic nationalism, rather than the more open and tolerant civic kind (Howe 2000, 236). For reasons such as th is he sought to establish a Jewish socialist state. It is important to note, however, that not any state would do for Labor Zionists the state was to be established in the Jewish homeland. To the point of emphasis, upon establishment of the state of Israel, David Ben-Gurion, the first Labor Prime Minister of Israel declared the uniqueness of the Hebrew people and the redemptive destiny of Israel on its own soil (Smith 2003, 92-93). In so doing he acknowledged Labor and Religious Zionism to be not only compatible, but complimentary. Religious Zionism was headed by Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook. While it is the usual view that Zionism is a sin and alien culture, a non-Jewish way of life, and that Jews should only return to the Promised Land after messianic redemption, Kook claimed that enhancing attachment to the land is an obligation (Dowty, 44). Essentially, Kook is advocating preparing the land for redemption and salvation and suggests that the secular Zionists are doing holy work by settling the Promised Land. Clearly in all three branches of Zionism the tradition of the covenant remains critical the four deep seated cultural resources that define the covenant nation, namely; community, territory, history and destiny, permeate all of their raisons dà ªtre. By 1948, the underlying dimensions of the covenant nation return to fruition and again form a unifying and legitimizing tradition like in times past. From this tradition a realist strategic culture was born that has; (i) solid national support, (ii) outlived the era that gave it birth, (iii) entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and (iv) continued to resonate with a portion of public opinion even during times of relative peace. Biblically, historically and contemporarily time and again the covenant h

Epidural In Labor :: essays research papers

Epidural Epidemic Drugs in Labor: Are They Really Necessary. . . or Even Safe? The use of epidurals is so common today that many perinatal professionals are calling the 1990s the age of the epidural epidemic. Believed by many in the medical profession to be safe and effective, the epidural seems now to be regarded as a veritable panacea for dealing with the pain of childbirth. It is true that most women experience pain during the course of labor. This pain can be intense and very real, even for those who have prepared for it. But pain is only one of many possible sensations and experiences that characterize the experience of giving birth. Barbara Katz Rothman, a sociologist who studies birth in America, writes that in the medical management of childbirth, the experience of the mother is viewed by physicians as pain: pain experienced and pain to be avoided.1 Having experienced childbirth ourselves, we have great compassion for women in painful labors. However, we also feel a responsibility to mothers and their babies to explore issues concerning the use of epidu ral anesthesia in labor issues that are seldom discussed prenatally. Several factors make the use of epidurals potentially hazardous. The Physician’s Desk Reference cautions that local anesthetics – the type used in epidurals – rapidly cross the placenta. When used for epidural blocks, anesthesia can cause varying degrees of maternal, fetal, and neonatal toxicity which can result in the following side effects: hypotension, urinary retention, fecal and urinary incontinence, paralysis of lower extremities, loss of feeling in the limbs, headache, backache, septic meningitis, slowing of labor, increased need for forceps and vacuum deliveries, cranial nerve palsies, allergic reactions, respiratory depression, nausea, vomiting, and seizures.2 In addition, a piece of the catheter that delivers the drug into the duraregion of the back may break off and be left in the woman, a dangerous risk that necessitates surgical removal. One of the most well-known side effects of spinal anesthesia is a spinal headache. Depending on the amount of anesthetic used and how the catheter was placed, the headache can be mild or severe, lasting between one and ten days after the birth. This is not how any of us wants to feel in our first days and hours with our newborn. Epidurals also have been linked to an overall increase in operative deliveries: cesareans, forceps deliveries, and vacuum extractions. A meta-analysis of the effects of epidural anesthesia on the rate of cesarean deliveries was undertaken by a group of physicians who examined, categorized, and analyzed all available literature.

The Silver Linings Playbook Chapter 18

A Hive Full of Green Bees â€Å"Ahhhhhhhhh!† I sit up, my heart pounding. When my eyes focus, I see my dad standing at my bedside with his hands above his head; he's wearing his number 5 McNabb jersey. â€Å"Ahhhhhhhhhhhhh!† he continues to scream, until I get out of bed, raise my hands, and say â€Å"Ahhhhhhhhhh!† We do the chant, spelling the letters with our arms and legs. â€Å"E!-A!-G!-L!-E!-S! EAGLES!† When we finish, instead of saying good morning or anything else, my father simply jogs out of my room. I look at the clock, and it reads 5:59 a.m. The game starts at one o'clock. I promised to join Jake's tailgate party by ten, which gives me two hours to lift and an hour to run – so I lift, and Tiffany is outside at 8:00 a.m. just like she said she would be. We do a short run – maybe only six or seven miles. After a shower, I put on my Baskett jersey and ask my mom for a ride to the PATCO station, but she says, â€Å"Your driver is waiting for you outside.† Mom kisses me on the cheek and hands me some money. â€Å"Have fun, and don't let your brother drink too much.† Outside, I see Dad in his sedan; the engine is running. I get into the car and say, â€Å"Dad, are you going to the game?† â€Å"I wish I could,† he says, and then we back out of the driveway. The truth is that my father is still serving a self-imposed ban and is therefore not allowed to attend Eagles games. In the early eighties, Dad got into a fight with a Dallas Cowboys fan who dared to sit in the 700 Level, which were the cheap seats at the Vet, where the die-hard Eagles fans sat. The story I heard from my since-deceased uncle was this: When the Cowboys scored a touchdown, this Dallas fan jumped up and began cheering real loudly, so people started throwing beers and hot dogs at him. The only problem was that my dad was sitting in the row in front of this Dallas fan, so the beer and mustard and food rained down on Dad too. Apparently, Dad lost it, attacked the Dallas fan, and beat him within an inch of his life. My father was actually arrested, convicted of aggravated assault, and incarcerated for three months. If my uncle hadn't made the mortgage payments, we would have lost the house. Dad did lose his season ticket and has not been to an Eagles game since. Jake says we could get Dad in, since no one actually checks IDs at the gate, but Dad won't go back, saying, â€Å"As long as they let the opposing fans in our house, I can't trust myself.† This is sort of funny, because twenty-five years after Dad beat the hell out of that Dallas fan, he is just a fat old man who is not likely to beat up another fat old man, let alone a rowdy Dallas fan with the guts to wear a Cowboys jersey to an Eagles game. Although my father did hit me pretty hard in the attic just a few weeks ago – so maybe he is wise to stay away from the games. We drive over the hospital-green Walt Whitman Bridge, and he talks about how this just might be an important day in Eagles history, especially since the Giants won both games last year. â€Å"Revenge!† he keeps yelling indiscriminately. He also tells me I have to cheer real loudly so Eli Manning – who I know (from reading the sports pages) is the Giants' QB – will not be able to talk or hear during the huddles. â€Å"Scream your goddamn lungs out, because you're the twelfth man!† Dad says. The way he talks at me – never really pausing long enough for me to say any-thing – makes him sound crazy, I know, even though most people think I am the crazy person in the family. When we are stopped, waiting in line to pay the bridge toll, Dad quits his Eagles rant long enough to say, â€Å"It's good that you are going to the games with Jake again. Your brother's missed you a lot. You do realize that, right? You need to make time for family no matter what happens in your life, because Jake and your mother need you.† This is a pretty ironic thing for him to say, especially since he has hardly said anything to me since I have been home and never really spends any time with me or my mother or Jake at all, but I am glad my father is finally talking to me. All the time I have ever spent with Jake or him has always revolved around sports – mostly Eagles – and I know this is all he can really afford emotionally, so I take it, and say, â€Å"I wish you were going to the game, Dad.† â€Å"Me too,† he says, and then hands the toll collector a five. After taking the first off-ramp, he deposits me about ten blocks away from the new stadium so he can turn around and avoid traffic. â€Å"You're on your own coming home,† he says as I get out. â€Å"I'm not driving back into this zoo.† I thank him for the ride, and just before I shut the door, he raises his hands in the car and yells â€Å"Ahhhhhhhhh!† so I raise my hands and yell â€Å"Ahhhhhhhh!† A group of men drinking beers out of a nearby car trunk hear us, so they raise their hands and yell â€Å"Ahhhhhhhhhh!† Men united by a team, we all do the Eagles chant together. My chest feels so warm, and I remember how much fun it is to be in South Philly on game day. As I walk toward the west Lincoln Financial Field parking lot – following the directions my brother gave me on the phone the night before – so many people are wearing Eagles jerseys. Everywhere green. People are grilling, drinking beer from plastic cups, throwing footballs, listening to the WIP 610 pregame show on AM radio, and as I walk past, they all high-five me, throw me footballs, and yell, â€Å"Go Birds!† just because I am wearing an Eagles jersey. I see young boys with their fathers. Old guys with their grown sons. Men yelling and singing and smiling as if they were boys again. And I realize I have missed this a lot. Even though I do not want to, I look for the Vet and only find a parking lot. There's a new Phillies ballpark too, called Citizens Bank Park. By the entrance ripples a huge banner of some new player named Ryan Howard. All of this seems to suggest that Jake and Dad weren't lying when they said the Vet was demolished. I try not to think about the dates they mentioned, and I focus on enjoying the game and spending time with my brother. I find the right parking lot and begin to look for the green tent with the black Eagles flag flying from the top. The parking lot is full – tents and grills and parties everywhere – but after ten minutes or so, I spot my brother. Jake's in his number 99 Jerome Brown memorial jersey. (Jerome Brown was the two-time Pro Bowler defensive tackle who was killed in a car crash back in 1992.) My brother is drinking beer from a green cup, standing next to our friend Scott, who is manning the grill. Jake looks happy, and for a second I simply enjoy watching him smile as he throws an arm around Scott, whom I haven't seen since the last time I was in South Philly. Jake's face is red, and he looks a little drunk already, but he has always been a happy drunk, so I do not worry. Like my father, nothing makes Jake happier than Eagles game day. When Jake sees me, he yells, â€Å"Hank Baskett's tailgating with us!† and then runs over to give me a high five and a chest bump. â€Å"What's up, dude?† Scott says to me as we too exchange high fives. The big smile on his face suggests that he is happy to see me. â€Å"Man, you really are huge. What have you been lifting – cars?† I smile proudly as he punches my arm, like guys do when they are buddies. â€Å"It's been years – I mean, um – how many months has it been?† He and my brother exchange a glance that I do not miss, but before I can say anything, Scott yells, â€Å"Hey, all you fat-asses in the tent! I wanna introduce you to my boy – Jake's brother, Pat.† The tent is the size of a small house. I walk through the slit on one side, and a huge flat-screen television is set up on milk crates stacked two by four. Five really fat guys are seated in folding chairs, watching the pregame show – all of them in Eagles jerseys. Scott rattles off the names. After he says mine, the men nod and wave and then go back to watching the pregame show. All of them have handheld personal organizers, and their eyes are rapidly moving back and forth between the small screens in their hands and the large screen at the far side of the tent. Almost all have earpieces in, which I guess are connected to cellular phones. As we exit the tent, Scott says, â€Å"Don't mind them. They're all trying to get last-minute info. They'll be a little more friendly after they've placed their bets.† â€Å"Who are they?† I ask. â€Å"Guys from my work. I'm a computer tech now for Digital Cross Health. We do websites for family doctors.† â€Å"How are they watching television out here in the parking lot?† I ask. My brother waves me around to the back of the tent, points to a small engine in a square of metal, and says, â€Å"Gas-powered generator.† He points to the top of the tent, where a small gray plate is perched, and says, â€Å"Satellite dish.† â€Å"What do they do with all this gear when they go into the game?† I ask. â€Å"Oh,† Scott says with a laugh. â€Å"They don't have tickets.† Jake pours a Yuengling Lager into a plastic cup and hands it to me, and I notice three coolers loaded with beer cans and bottles, probably four or five cases. I know the plastic cup is to keep away the police, who can arrest you for having an open beer can in your hand but not for holding a plastic cup. The bag of empties just outside the tent suggests that Jake and Scott are way ahead of me. As Scott finishes grilling breakfast – thick sausages and eggs scrambled in a pan he has placed over the gas flames – he does not ask me many questions about what I have been up to, which I appreciate. I'm sure my brother has already told Scott all about my time in the bad place and my separation from Nikki, but I still appreciate Scott's allowing me to reenter the world of Eagles football without an interrogation. Scott tells me about his life, and it turns out that while I was in the bad place, he married someone named Willow, and they actually now have three-year-old twins named Tami and Jeri-Lyn. Scott shows me the picture he keeps in his wallet, and the girls are dressed alike in little pink ballerina outfits – tutus, tights – their hands stretched up over silver tiaras, pointing toward heaven. â€Å"My tiny dancers. We live on the Pennsylvania side now. Havertown,† Scott says as he loads a half dozen sausages onto the top rack of the barbecue, where they will keep warm while the next batch cooks. I think about Emily and me floating over the waves only the day before, and again I promise myself I'll get busy making my own daughter just as soon as apart time is over. I try not to do the math in my head, but I can't help it. If he has twins who are three years old and he was married sometime after I last saw him – but before his wife got pregnant – it must mean that I have not seen Scott for at least four years. Now maybe he knocked up his girlfriend and then married her, but of course, I can't ask that. Since his daughters are three, the math indicates he and I have not talked for at least three or four years. My last memory of Scott is at the Vet. I had sold my season ticket to Scott's brother Chris a season or two before, but Chris often went away on business conferences and allowed me to buy my seat back for the few home games played when he was out of town. I came up from Baltimore to see the Eagles play Dallas; I don't remember who won or what the score was. But I remember sitting in between Scott and Jake – up in the 700 Level – when Dallas scored a rushing touchdown. Some clown behind us stood up and began cheering as he unzipped his jacket, revealing a throwback Tony Dorsett jersey. Everyone in our section started booing and throwing food at this Dallas fan, who smiled and smiled. Jake was so drunk he could hardly stand, but he charged after this guy, climbing up over three rows of people. The sober Dallas fan shoved Jake away easily, but when Jake fell back into the arms of drunken Eagles fans, a cry went up, and the Tony Dorsett jersey was forcibly removed from the visiting fan's back and ripped into many pieces before security arrived and threw out a dozen people. Jake was not thrown out of the game. Scott and I were able to get Jake up and away from the mayhem, and when security arrived, we were in the men's room splashing water onto Jake's face, trying to sober him up. In my mind, this happened last year, maybe eleven months ago. But I know if I bring up this incident now as we are grilling in front of the Linc, I will be told that the memory occurred more than three or even four years ago, so I do not bring it up, even though I want to, because I know Jake's and Scott's responses will help me figure out what the rest of the world believes about time. And also, not knowing what the rest of the world believes happened between then and now is terrifying. It's better not to think too much about this. â€Å"Drink some beers,† Jake says to me. â€Å"Smile. It's game day!† So I start drinking, even though the little orange bottles that my pills come in have stickers forbidding me to drink alcohol. After the fat guys in the tent are fed, we eat off paper plates, and then Scott, Jake, and I begin throwing the football around. In the parking lot people are everywhere, not just tailgating, but roaming. Guys selling stolen or homemade T-shirts, moms parading around little girls in cheerleading outfits who will do a cheer if you donate a dollar to their local cheerleading booster club, crazy bums willing to tell you off-color jokes for free food and beer, strippers in short pants and satin jackets handing out free passes to the local gentlemen's clubs, packs of little kids in pads and helmets collecting money for their peewee football teams, college kids handing out free samples of new sodas or sports drinks or candy or junk food, and of course the seventy thousand other drunken Eagles fans just like us. Basically, it's a green football carnival. By the time we decide to have a catch, I've had two or three beers, and I'd be willing to bet Jake and Scott have each had at least ten, so our passes are not all that accurate. We hit parked cars, knock over a few tables of food, beam one or two guys in the back, but no one cares, because we are Eagles fans in Eagles jerseys who are ready and willing to cheer on the Birds. Every so often, other men will jump in front of one of us and intercept a pass or two, but they always give back the ball with a laugh and a smile. I like throwing the football with Jake and Scott because it makes me feel like a boy, and when I was a boy, I was the person Nikki fell in love with. But then something bad happens. Jake sees him first, points, and says, â€Å"Hey, look at the asshole.† I turn my head and see a big man in a Giants jersey, maybe forty yards away from our tent. He is wearing a red, white, and blue hard hat, and the worst part is that he has a little boy with him who is also wearing a Giants jersey. The guy walks over to a group of Eagles fans who give him a hard time at first but eventually hand him a beer. Suddenly my brother is walking toward this Giants fan, so Scott and I follow. My brother starts chanting as he walks, â€Å"Ass – hole! Ass – hole! Ass – hole!† With every syllable, he throws his index finger at the hard hat. Scott is doing the same thing, and before I know it, we are surrounded by twenty or so men in Eagles jerseys who are also chanting and pointing. I have to admit it feels sort of thrilling to be part of this mob – united in our hatred of the opposing team's fans. When we reach the Giants fan, his friends – all Eagles fans – laugh, and their faces seem to say, â€Å"We told you this would happen.† But instead of acting remorseful, the Giants fan puts his hands up in the air, as if he has just performed a magic trick or something; he smiles widely and nods his head like he is enjoying being called an asshole. He even puts his hand to his ear, as if to say, â€Å"I can't hear you.† The kid with him, who has the same pale skin coloring and flat nose – probably his son – looks terrified. The little guy's jersey hangs down to his knees, and as the â€Å"ass – hole† chant intensifies, the kid holds on to his father's leg and tries to hide behind the big man's thigh. My brother transitions the crowd into a â€Å"Giants suck† chant, and more Eagles fans come to join in. We now are at least fifty strong. And this is when the little kid breaks into tears, sobbing. When we Eagles fans see that the kid is really upset, the mob chuckles and respectfully disperses. Jake and Scott are laughing as we walk back to our tent, but I don't feel so great. I wish we did not make that little kid cry. I know the Giants fan was stupid to wear a Giants jersey to an Eagles game, and it is really his own fault that his son was made to cry, but I also know that what we did was unkind, and this is the sort of behavior Nikki hates, what I am trying – I feel his hands explode through my back, and I stumble forward and almost fall down. When I turn around, I see the big Giants fan. He is no longer wearing his hard hat; his son is not with him. â€Å"You like making little kids cry?† he says to me. I'm too shocked to speak. There were at least fifty men chanting, but he has singled out me. Why? I wasn't even chanting. I wasn't even pointing. I want to tell him this, but my mouth won't work, so I just stand there shaking my head. â€Å"If you don't want a problem, don't wear a Giants jersey to an Eagles game,† Scott says. â€Å"It's just bad parenting to bring your son down here dressed like that,† Jake adds. The mob quickly forms again. A circle of green uniforms surrounds us now, and I think this Giants fan must be crazy. One of his friends has come to talk him down. The friend's a small man with long hair and a mustache – and he's wearing an Eagles shirt. â€Å"Come on, Steve. Let's go. They didn't mean anything. It was just a joke.† â€Å"What the fuck is your problem?† Steve says, and then shoves me again, his hands exploding through my chest. At this point the Eagles fans begin chanting, â€Å"Ass – hole! Ass – hole! Ass – hole!† Steve is staring into my eyes, gritting his teeth so the tendons in his neck bulge like ropes. He also lifts weights. His arms look even bigger than mine, and he is taller than me by an inch or two. I look to Jake for help, and I can see that he looks a little worried himself. Jake steps in front of me, puts his hands up to suggest that he means no harm, but before he can say anything, the Giants fan grabs my brother's Jerome Brown memorial jersey and throws Jake to the ground. I see him hit the concrete – my brother's hands skidding along the blacktop – and then blood is dripping from his fingers and Jake's eyes look dazed and scared. My brother is hurt. My brother is hurt. MY BROTHER IS HURT. I explode. The bad feeling in my stomach rockets up through my chest and into my hands – and before I can stop myself, I'm moving forward like a Mack truck. I catch Steve's cheek with a left, and then my right connects with the south side of his chin, lifting him off the ground. I watch him float through the air as if he were allowing his body to fall backward into a pool. His back hits the concrete, his feet and hands twitch once, and then he's not moving, the crowd is silent, and I begin to feel so awful – so guilty. Someone yells, â€Å"Call an ambulance!† Another yells, â€Å"Tell 'em to bring a blue-and-red body bag!† â€Å"I'm sorry,† I whisper, because I find it hard to speak. â€Å"I'm so sorry.† And then I am running again. I weave through the crowds of people, across streets, around cars, and through horns blaring and cursing drivers screaming at me. I feel a bubbly feeling in my midsection, and then I am puking my guts out onto the sidewalk – eggs, sausage, beer – and so many people are yelling at me, calling me a drunk, saying that I'm an asshole; and then I'm running again as fast as I can, down the street away from the stadiums. When I feel as though I am going to throw up again, I stop and realize I'm alone – no more Eagles fans anywhere. A chain-link fence, beyond it a warehouse that looks abandoned. I vomit again. On the sidewalk, outside of the puddle I am making, pieces of broken glass glint and sparkle in the sun. I cry. I feel awful. I realize that I have once again failed to be kind; that I lost control in a big way; that I seriously injured another person, and therefore I'm never going to get Nikki back now. Apart time is going to last forever because my wife is a pacifist who would never want me to hit anyone under any circumstance, and both God and Jesus were obviously rooting for me to turn the other cheek, so I know I really shouldn't have hit that Giants fan, and now I'm crying again because I'm such a fucking waste – such a fucking non-person. I walk another half block, my chest heaving wildly, and then I stop. â€Å"Dear God,† I pray. â€Å"Please don't send me back to the bad place. Please!† I look up at the sky. I see a cloud passing just under the sun. The top is all electric white. I remind myself. Don't give up, I think. Not just yet. â€Å"Pat! Pat! Wait up!† I look back toward the stadiums, and my brother is running toward me. Over the next minute or so, Jake gets bigger and bigger, and then he is right in front of me, bent over, huffing and puffing. â€Å"I'm sorry,† I say. I'm so, so sorry.† â€Å"For what?† Jake laughs, pulls out his cell phone, dials a number, and holds the small phone up to his ear. â€Å"I found him,† Jake says into the phone. â€Å"Yeah, tell him.† Jake hands me the phone. I put it up to my ear. â€Å"Is this Rocky Balboa?† I recognize the voice as Scott's. â€Å"Listen, the asshole you knocked out – well, he woke up and is super pissed. Better not come back to the tent.† â€Å"Is he okay?† I ask. â€Å"You should be more worried about yourself.† â€Å"Why?† â€Å"We played dumb when the cops showed up, and no one was able to identify you or your brother – but ever since five-o left, the big guy's been searching the parking lot, looking for you. Whatever you do, don't come back here, because this Giants fan's hellbent on revenge.† I hand the phone back to Jake, feeling somewhat relieved to know I did not seriously hurt Steve, but also feeling numb – because I lost control again. Plus, I'm a little afraid of the Giants fan. â€Å"So, are we going home now?† I ask Jake when he finishes talking to Scott. â€Å"Home? Are you kiddin' me?† he says, and we start walking back toward the Linc. When I don't say anything for a long time, my brother asks if I'm okay. I'm not okay, but I don't say so. â€Å"Listen, that asshole attacked you and threw me to the ground. You only defended your family,† Jake says. â€Å"You should be proud. You were the hero.† Even though I was defending my brother, even though I did not seriously hurt the Giants fan, I don't feel proud at all. I feel guilty. I should be locked up again in the bad place. I feel as though Dr. Timbers was right about me – that I don't belong in the real world, because I am uncontrollable and dangerous. But of course I do not say this to Jake, mostly because he has never been locked up and doesn't understand what it feels like to lose control, and he only wants to watch the football game now, and none of this means anything to him, because he has never been married and he has never lost someone like Nikki and he is not trying to improve his life at all, because he doesn't ever feel the war that goes on in my chest every single fucking day – the chemical explosions that light up my skull like the Fourth of July and the awful needs and impulses and †¦ Outside the Linc, masses form thick lines, and with hundreds of other fans, we wait to be frisked. I don't remember being frisked at the Vet. I wonder when it became necessary to frisk people at NFL games, but I do not ask Jake, because he is now singing â€Å"Fly, Eagles, Fly† with hundreds of other drunken Eagles fans. After we are frisked, we climb the steps and have our tickets scanned, and then we are inside of Lincoln Financial Field. People everywhere – it's like a hive full of green bees, and the buzz is deafening. We often have to turn sideways just to squeeze between people as we walk the concourse to get to our section. I follow Jake, worrying about getting separated, because I would be lost for sure. We hit the men's room, and Jake gets everyone inside to sing the Eagles fight song again. The lines for the urinals are long, and I am amazed that no one pees in the sinks, because at the Vet – at least up in the 700 Level – all sinks were used as extra urinals. When we finally get to our seats, we are in the end zone, only twenty or so rows up from the field. â€Å"How did you get such good tickets?† I ask Jake. â€Å"I know a guy,† he replies, and smiles proudly. Scott is already seated, and he congratulates me on my fight, saying, â€Å"You knocked that fucking Giants fan out cold!† which makes me feel awful again. Jake and Scott high-five just about everyone in the section, and as the other fans call Scott and my brother by name, it becomes obvious that they are quite popular here. When the beer man comes around, Scott buys us a round, and I am amazed to find a cup holder in the seat in front of me. You would never see such a luxury item at the Vet. Just before the Eagles' players are announced, clips from the Rocky movies are shown on the huge screens at each end of the field – Rocky running by the old Navy Yard, Rocky punching sides of beef in the meat locker, Rocky running up the steps of the art museum – and Jake and Scott keep saying, â€Å"That's you. That's you,† until I worry that someone will hear them, understand that I just fought the Giants fan in the parking lot, and tell the police to take me back to the bad place. When the Eagles' starting lineup is announced, fireworks explode and cheerleaders kick and everyone is standing and Jake keeps on pounding my back with his hand and strangers are high-fiving me, and suddenly I stop thinking about my fight in the parking lot. I begin to think about my dad watching the game in our family room – my mother serving him buffalo wings and pizza and beers, hoping the Eagles win just so her husband will be in a good mood for a week. I again wonder if my dad will start talking to me at night if the Eagles pull out a victory today, and suddenly it's kickoff and I am cheering as if my life depends on the outcome of the game. The Giants score first, but the Eagles answer with a touchdown of their own, after which the whole stadium sings the fight song – punctuated by the Eagles chant – with deafening pride. Late in the first quarter, Hank Baskett gets his first catch of his NFL career – a twenty-five-yarder. Everyone in our section high-fives me and pats me on the back because I am wearing my official Hank Baskett jersey, and I smile at my brother because he gave me such a great present. The game is all Eagles after that, and at the start of the fourth quarter the Eagles are up 24 – 7. Jake and Scott are so happy, and I am beginning to imagine the conversation I am going to have with my father when I get home – how proud he will be of my yelling whenever Eli Manning was trying to call a play. But then the Giants score seventeen unanswered points in the fourth quarter, and the Philadelphia fans are shocked. In overtime, Plaxico Burress goes up and over Sheldon Brown in the end zone, and the Giants leave Philadelphia with a win. It is awful to watch. Outside of the Linc, Scott says, â€Å"Better not come back to the tent. That asshole will be there waiting, for sure.† So we say goodbye to Scott and follow the masses to the subway entrance. Jake has tokens. We go through the turnstiles, descend underground, and push our way onto an already packed subway car. People yell, â€Å"No room!† but Jake mashes his body in between the other bodies and then pulls me in too. My brother's chest is against my back; strangers are smashed against my arms. The doors finally close, and my nose is almost touching the glass window. The smell of beer resurfacing through everyone's sweat glands is pungent. I don't like being this close to so many strangers, but I don't say anything, and soon we are at City Hall. After we exit the train, we spin another turnstile, climb up into center city, and begin walking down Market Street, past the old department stores and the new hotels and The Gallery. â€Å"You wanna see my apartment?† Jake asks when we get to the Eighth and Market PATCO stop, which is where I can hop a train over the Ben Franklin Bridge to Collingswood. I do want to see Jake's apartment, but I am tired and anxious to get home so I can do a little lifting before bed. I ask if I might see it some other time. â€Å"Sure,† he says. â€Å"It's good to have you back, brother. You were a true Eagles fan today.† I nod. â€Å"Tell Dad the Birds will bounce back next week against San Fran.† I nod again. My brother surprises me by giving me a two-armed hug and saying, â€Å"I love you, bro. Thanks for getting my back in the parking lot.† I tell him that I love him too, and then he is walking down Market Street singing â€Å"Fly, Eagles, Fly† at the top of his lungs. I descend underground, insert the five my mother gave me into the change machine, buy a ticket, stick it into the turnstile, descend more stairs, hit the waiting platform, and begin to think about that little kid in the Giants jersey. How hard did he cry when he realized his father had been knocked out? Did the kid even get to see the game? A few other men in Eagles jerseys are sitting on the chrome benches. Each nods sympathetically at me when they see my Hank Baskett jersey. One man at the far end of the platform yells, â€Å"Goddamn fucking Birds!† and then kicks a metal trash can. Another man standing next to me shakes his head and whispers, â€Å"Goddamn fucking Birds.† When the train comes, I choose to stand just inside the doors, and as the train slides across the dusk sky, over the Delaware River, across the Ben Franklin Bridge, I look at the city skyline, and – again – I start to think about that kid crying. I feel so awful when I think about that little kid. I get off the train at Collingswood, walk across the open-air platform and down the steps, stick my card into the turnstile machine, and then jog home. My mother is sitting in the family room, sipping tea. â€Å"How's Dad?† I ask. She shakes her head and points at the TV. The screen is cracked so that it looks like a spiderweb. â€Å"What happened?† â€Å"Your father smashed the screen with the reading lamp.† â€Å"Because the Eagles lost?† â€Å"No, actually. He did it when the Giants tied the game at the end of the fourth quarter. Your father had to watch the Eagles blow the game on the bedroom television,† Mom says. â€Å"How's your brother?† â€Å"Fine,† I say. â€Å"Where's Dad?† â€Å"In his office.† â€Å"Oh.† â€Å"I'm sorry your team lost,† Mom says, just to be nice, I know. â€Å"It's okay,† I answer, and then go down into the basement, where I lift weights for hours and try to forget about that little Giants fan crying, but I still can't get the kid out of my mind. For whatever reason I fall asleep on the rug that covers part of the basement floor. In my dreams the fight happens again and again, only instead of the Giants fan bringing a kid to the game, the Giants fan brings Nikki, and she too is wearing a Giants jersey. Every time I knock the big guy out, Nikki pushes through the crowd, cradles Steve's head in her hands, kisses his forehead, and then looks up at me. Just before I run away, she says, â€Å"You're an animal, Pat. And I will never love you again.† I cry through my dreams and try not to hit the Giants fan every time the memory flashes through my mind, but I can't control my dream self any more than I could control my awake self after seeing the blood on Jake's hands. I wake up to the sound of the basement door being closed, and I see the light streaming in through the small windows over the washer and dryer. I walk up the steps, and I cannot believe the sports pages are there. I am very upset about the dream I had, but I realize it was only a dream, and despite everything that has happened, my father is still leaving me the sports pages after one of the worst Eagles losses in history. So I take a deep breath. I allow myself to feel hopeful again and start my exercise routine.

Translating Names of Minerals to Gemstones and Back

Translating Names of Minerals to Gemstones and Back When certain minerals compress under specific conditions, most often below the surface of the earth, a process occurs which forms a new compound known as a gemstone. Gemstones can be made of one or more minerals, and as a result, some minerals refer to more than one gemstone name. In order to better understand the interaction between the two, reference the two charts below - the first details each gemstone and the minerals that combined to form it and the second lists each mineral and the gemstones it can produce. For instance, Quartz can form Amethyst, Ametrine, Citrine, and Morion (and a few more) gemstones depending on which other minerals and elements compress together and at what depth in the earths crust and temperature the compression occurs at. How Gemstones Are Formed Most gemstones are formed in either the crust or the very top layer of the earths mantle in the molten magma bubbling in the depths of the world, but only peridot and diamonds are formed deep in the mantle. All gems, however, are mined in the crust where they can cool to solidify in the crust, which is made up of igneous, metamorphic and sedimentary rock. Like the minerals that make up gemstones, some are associated with one kind of rock in particular while others have several types of rock that go into the creation of that stone. Igneous gemstones are formed when magma solidifies in the crust and crystallizes to form minerals then an increase in pressure starts a series of chemical exchanges which eventually cause the mineral to compress into a gemstone. Igneous rock gemstones include amethyst, citrine, ametrine, emeralds, morganite, and aquamarine as well as garnet, moonstone, apatite, and even diamond and zircon. Gemstones to Minerals The following chart serves as a translation guide between gemstones and minerals with each link going to photos of the gems and minerals: Gemstone Name Mineral Name Achroite Tourmaline Agate Chalcedony Alexandrite Chrysoberyl Amazonite Microcline Feldspar Amber Amber Amethyst Quartz Ametrine Quartz Andalusite Andalusite Apatite Apatite Aquamarine Beryl Aventurine Chalcedony Benitoite Benitoite Beryl Beryl Bixbite Beryl Bloodstone Chalcedony Brazilianite Brazilianite Cairngorm Quartz Carnelian Chalcedony Chrome Diopside Diopside Chrysoberyl Chrysoberyl Chrysolite Olivine Chrysoprase Chalcedony Citrine Quartz Cordierite Cordierite Demantoid Garnet Andradite Diamond Diamond Dichroite Cordierite Dravite Tourmaline Emerald Beryl Garnet Pyrope, Almandine, Andradite, Spessartine, Grossularite, Uvarovite Goshenite Beryl Heliodor Beryl Heliotrope Chalcedony Hessonite Grossularite Hiddenite Spodumene Indigolite/Indicolite Tourmaline Iolite Cordierite Jade Nephrite or Jadeite Jasper Chalcedony Kunzite Spodumene Labradorite Plagioclase Feldspar Lapis Lazuli Lazurite Malachite Malachite Mandarin Garnet Spessartine Moonstone Orthoclase, Plagioclase, Albite, Microcline Feldspars Morganite Beryl Morion Quartz Onyx Chalcedony Opal Opal Peridot Olivine Pleonast Spinel Quartz Quartz Rhodochrosite Rhodochrosite Rhodolite Almandine-Pyrope Garnet Rubellite Tourmaline Rubicelle Spinel Ruby Corundum Sapphire Corundum Sard Chalcedony Scapolite Scapolite Schorl Tourmaline Sinhalite Sinhalite Sodalite Sodalite Spinel Spinel Sugilite Sugilite Sunstone Oligoclase Feldspar Taaffeite Taaffeite Tanzanite Zoisite Titanite Titanite (Sphene) Topaz Topaz Tourmaline Tourmaline Tsavorite Garnet Grossularite Turquoise Turquoise Uvarovite Uvarovite Verdelite Tourmaline Violan Diopside Zircon Zircon Minerals to Gemstones In the following chart, the minerals in the column on the left translate to the gemstone name on the right, with links contained therein forwarding to more information and additional of the minerals and gemstones associated. Mineral Name Gemstone Name Albite Moonstone Almandine Garnet Almandine-Pyrope Garnet Rhodolite Amber Amber Andalusite Andalusite Andradite Demantoid Garnet Apatite Apatite Benitoite Benitoite Beryl Aquamarine, Beryl, Bixbite, Emerald, Goshenite, Heliodore, Morganite Brazilianite Brazilianite Chalcedony Agate, Aventurine, Bloodstone, Carnelian, Chrysoprase, Heliotrope, Jasper, Onyx, Sard Chrysoberyl Alexandrite, Chrysoberyl Cordierite Cordierite, Dichroite, Iolite Corundum Ruby, Sapphire Diamond Diamond Diopside Chrome Diopside, Violan Grossular/Grossularite Hessonite, Tsavorite Garnet Jadeite Jade Lazurite Lapis Lazuli Malachite Malachite Microcline Feldspar Amazonite, Moonstone Nephrite Jade Oligoclase Feldspar Sunstone Olivine Chrysolite, Peridot Opal Opal Orthoclase Feldspar Moonstone Plagioclase Feldspar Moonstone, Labradorite Pyrope Garnet Quartz Amethyst, Ametrine, Cairngorm, Citrine, Morion, Quartz Rhodochrosite Rhodochrosite Scapolite Scapolite Sinhalite Sinhalite Sodalite Sodalite Spessartine Mandarin Garnet Sphene (Titanite) Titanite Spinel Pleonast, Rubicelle Spodumene Hiddenite, Kunzite Sugilite Sugilite Taaffeite Taaffeite Topaz Topaz Tourmaline Achroite, Dravite, Indigolite/Indicolite, Rubellite, Schorl, Verdelite Turquoise Turquoise Uvarovite Garnet, Uvarovite Zircon Zircon Zoisite Tanzanite

Free Essays on Growing Up In The Old West

U.S. History 2-1-03 Growing Up as a Christian in the Old West Growing up in the late 1800’s was not an easy task for anyone, but it was especially hard for a Christian. The lifestyle that I was forced to endure was one that I would not wish upon anyone. The lifestyle that is glamorized in movies today was one that was rugged with little to no drama. When I was a young child it was tough to be out in the West because of the lack of companionship. My best friend was my horse. My horse was what I saw more than anything. I was very lucky that I was skilled on a horse because that gave me the opportunity to train as a cowboy at a young age. I took part in my first herding when I was just seven years old. Not long after that my father led me to Christ. That was when my life began to change. After I became a Christian I began to notice the flaws in the people that I worked with. I was more conscientious of the influences in my life. Since I was forced to work with those people I did not have the option of walking away, so I was put through a lot of trials while working with the herds. Another tough thing to deal with was that I could hardly ever go to church. I was either working with the cattle or moving herds most of the time. Since my dad was a Christian as well we were able to set aside times when we could talk to each other. This was probably what kept me up in my faith because that little bit of encouragement was just about all I received. I do not know what I would have done if it wasn’t for my father. One thing that I was thankful for about the way I was raised was that it taught me that you could be a witness for Christ in any situation. I rarely ever had the chance to let my friends be led to Christ by a preacher so I had to be prepared to do that. That was something that I did not take lightly. I was always trying to be a good example around my fellow cowboys. I know that I was... Free Essays on Growing Up In The Old West Free Essays on Growing Up In The Old West U.S. History 2-1-03 Growing Up as a Christian in the Old West Growing up in the late 1800’s was not an easy task for anyone, but it was especially hard for a Christian. The lifestyle that I was forced to endure was one that I would not wish upon anyone. The lifestyle that is glamorized in movies today was one that was rugged with little to no drama. When I was a young child it was tough to be out in the West because of the lack of companionship. My best friend was my horse. My horse was what I saw more than anything. I was very lucky that I was skilled on a horse because that gave me the opportunity to train as a cowboy at a young age. I took part in my first herding when I was just seven years old. Not long after that my father led me to Christ. That was when my life began to change. After I became a Christian I began to notice the flaws in the people that I worked with. I was more conscientious of the influences in my life. Since I was forced to work with those people I did not have the option of walking away, so I was put through a lot of trials while working with the herds. Another tough thing to deal with was that I could hardly ever go to church. I was either working with the cattle or moving herds most of the time. Since my dad was a Christian as well we were able to set aside times when we could talk to each other. This was probably what kept me up in my faith because that little bit of encouragement was just about all I received. I do not know what I would have done if it wasn’t for my father. One thing that I was thankful for about the way I was raised was that it taught me that you could be a witness for Christ in any situation. I rarely ever had the chance to let my friends be led to Christ by a preacher so I had to be prepared to do that. That was something that I did not take lightly. I was always trying to be a good example around my fellow cowboys. I know that I was...

Islamic Law and its Hearings and Trials Assignment

Islamic Law and its Hearings and Trials - Assignment Example Basic principles of Sharia are to see the will of God done on earth and the will is meant to bring about compassion, kindness, generosity, justice, fair play, tolerance and care in general. The basic principles of Sharia Law include the right to the protection of life, the right to the protection of the family, the right to the protection of education and the right to the protection of religion. Moreover, the principles include the right to the protection of property and the right to the protection of human dignity (Janin and AndreÃŒ  30-41: 77). Sacred law operates slightly different from the secular law because the sacred law only applies to members of a particular religion, for instance, Islamic religion. However, secular law is superior to the sacred law and is applicable to a wider geographical region and on different people regardless of their religion. Moreover, a sacred law is only enforceable by the people belonging to a particular religion who may handle both civil and criminal cases of a particular religion. Most of the laws are created based on specific religious principles. Sharia Law, for example, is created as per Prophet Mohammed’s teachings and the Quran. The sacred law must always be consistent with the superior secular law. Secular law is made by the judges or created by the legislators and are found in every country worldwide. The judges or makers of the secular law only requires formal education and must not always belong to a certain group of religion. Because the society changes, laws also change to reflect the values of the people it governs. It is apparent that people’s’ values and ways of life change and the law is required to accommodate such kind of changes.  The attitudes and values of should be democratically reflected in the law. However, some laws do not change because they always remain relevant to the society’s way of life and values.

Political Liberalization in Burma Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Political Liberalization in Burma - Essay Example Burma, like many African countries, was ruled by the British for almost a century and inherited structures, and institutional set-up of the free market and parliamentary democracy but could not take advantage of this to advance its political and economic situation (Egreteau 470). This paper will study the deficiency of the military rule in Burma and try to make useful recommendations on how the government can improve the country’s political, economic and social situation through democratic governance. The study will also explore and identify means by which the international community could help the country come up with the most appropriate forms of assistance and interventions to sustain a stable democracy, though, there needs to be some effort in putting in place transitional governance to allow for external leveraging. Burma’s strengths as a country in supporting the building of social, economic, legal, and governmental institutions will also be discussed (Selth 15). A country that does not have a reliable economic structure, strong and tolerant civil institutions will usually impend transition to democratic governance and create room for anarchy as well as an autocratic rule. Burma has since 19901 been struggling to move out of a stubborn military regime to form a credible government and aim to attract international economic and humanitarian assistance into the country. Even with a successful attempt for regime change in 1990, the country did not manage to usher in a new age of pluralistic rule through democracy and empowerment of the civil society. This was because there have been decades of politically brutal and economically unfavorable military rule, which has left the civil society and the population in murky waters in terms of development (Brown 732).